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Number 1 Shimbun


NUMBER 1 SHIMBUN 2019 (98)

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FCCJ Exhibition - Emperor Akihito’s Abdication and the Imperial Family

The Club is very pleased and honored to present this special photography exhibition of the Imperial Family in the same month as Emperor Akihito prepares to retire from official duties, bringing the Heisei Era to a close. 

A law was passed last year to allow Emperor Akihito to retire, the first such abdication in 200 years.

The Heisei era began on Jan. 8, 1989, the day after the death of Emperor Akihito’s father, Hirohito. It will conclude on April 30, 2019. 

To commemorate the Heisei Era, this exhibition focuses on the Imperial couple and their influence on the Japanese people.

The FCCJ has only been able to host this exhibition because of the support of the Associated Press and Nikkei, which provided images from their archives. The FCCJ offers its sincere appreciation for that support. 

Peter Langan

07 1

May 6, 2011, Miyako City, Iwate: Emperor Akihito and Empress Michiko visit evacuees in
a gymnasium after the 3/11 earthquake. Photograph by Masayuki Terasawa/Nikkei.


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April 10, 1959: The carriage procession at the Prince and Princess’ wedding. Nikkei photo.


The prince and the chindonya

 06 1

Starring with the dance
The crown prince and princess dancing at the Club’s 40th
anniversary celebrations – the day he first witnessed chindonya.


By Geoffrey Tudor


It was a dull, overcast autumn day in Tokyo. The occasional breeze stirred the falling leaves and the only brightness was the vivid yellow of the ginkgo trees outside the Yurakucho Denki Building.

I barely noticed, preoccupied as I was with the Club’s 40th anniversary party set for Nov. 29, just four days away. As event committee chair, I had much on my mind. Bookings had slowed to a halt and it looked that we might be lucky just to break even. At one time, we had pinned our hopes on the crown prince and princess accepting our invitation, hand-delivered in September; two months later, not a word had been heard.
But later that morning, a breathless and excited Jurek Martin, Financial Times bureau chief and FCCJ president, phoned me. “We’re wanted at the palace,” he said. “Now.”

So off we went with Nobuyoshi Yamada, then the Club’s administration, liaison and protocol chief, not to the Imperial Palace but to the Crown Prince Department of the Kunaicho, the Imperial Household Agency, to discuss the invitation. They had decided that the couple would attend.
Elated, we set about revising some of the details, so as to appropriately accommodate our royal guests. This meant coordination with the Kunaicho, the police and the Capitol Tokyu Hotel, where the event was to be held. We explained about the participants, including the entertainment – the bands and other performers. Among them were a troupe of English speaking Noh actors and a group of chindonya, the elaborately dressed downtown street musicians who are hired to make a racket outside a new noodle shop, for example, to attract custom. I had thought that these onomatopoeically named musicians would be just the ticket to promote the sales of raffle tickets on the night of the gala.

News that Their Imperial Highnesses would attend spread fast, followed by a rush of late bookings. What had looked like a possible loss-maker suddenly appeared to be heading into the black. Even Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone, who had earlier declined our invitation, suddenly found his diary had a 10-minute slot enabling him to drop in for a drink to toast the Club’s anniversary.

Then, out of the blue, one of the Club’s senior Members called me, advising me to pull the chindonya from the event. There were some elements in Japanese society who would not take kindly to their low-brow presence, he said, and it would be better “to avoid any unpleasantness.” Such a “common, blue-collar pleasing street performance could be taken as an insult to the royal couple,” he said.

What to do? I consulted Ryozo (Smiley) Matsuoka, our indefatigable F&B manager and an expert in diplomacy at the time. We called the Kunaicho to seek their advice. “It’s your party,” we were told. “We are the guests.” That seemed clear enough, so we gave the green light to the chindonya.


06 2

Make some noise
Chindonya are still employed to drum up business.


The musicians performed as intended throughout the dinner, with their chins chinning and dons donging as they were supposed to. The only complaint we received was from an unhappy attendee who thought the raffle tickets were too expensive.

During the desserts and coffee, Club president Jurek’s wife, Kathleen, came from the head table with a request that the crown prince wanted to speak with me. With butterflies in my stomach I went to meet His Imperial Highness, who quickly put me at my ease with a slight bow and a big, warm smile.

“I understand you made the arrangements for this party,” he said.
“No, no.” I said, “There was a committee . . . many were involved.”
“I meant arranging the chin-donya,” said the crown prince.
“That is true,” I said. “I wanted to sell raffle tickets and thought they would attract sales.”
“Thank you Mr. Tudor,” said the prince. “This is the first time I have ever seen chindonya in action. Thank you very much.”
He was charm itself, and his English was flawless.

He asked what I did at Japan Airlines, where I was a member of the public relations department looking after international media relations, and I gave a brief description of my labors.
“I guess you could say I am a white-collar chindonya,” I feebly joked. The Prince smiled, as if he understood.

Whatever else happened that night was soon a blur. The party was a huge success, thanks to the Imperial couple, who were photographed for the first time dancing together. The media coverage was enormous. The AP photo of the happy couple (opposite) hangs over the stairs to the library in the new Club.
That night’s brief conversation remains one of my most treasured memories. To this day, I feel immensely proud of my time as the humble purveyor of chindonya to the man who would become the Heisei Emperor. ❶

Geoffrey Tudor covers aviation for several publications and is North Asia Correspondent for Orient Aviation magazine.

The crown prince’s Roman Holiday

The Heisei Emperor has long been a sympathetic and inspiring role model on the domestic and international stage. Does a little-known overseas incident hold a clue to his emotional development?


05 1

Holiday Romance 
“I’d like to do just whatever I liked”


By Eiichiro Tokumoto


The 30 years of Japan’s Heisei Era will come to an end with the abdication of Emperor Akihito at the end of April. During a reign that began in January, 1989, he has been a unifying figure, paying numerous visits to places hit by natural disasters in addition to his regular duties. He also has made commemorative journeys to WWII battlefields in Okinawa, the Philippines, Saipan and other locations, to console the spirits of those killed in the war. 

In visits to areas hit by natural disasters, the emperor has often offered his consolation to survivors while kneeling on the floor – a demonstration of humility that has surprised and deeply moved the public. On the Saipan visit, he and the empress paid tribute not only to Japanese memorials, but to those erected for Korean war victims and American soldiers.

At the same time, the emperor has refrained from visiting Yasukuni Shrine, where the souls of war criminals, some of them Class-A, are consecrated – an omission that has rankled domestic conservative organizations.

As a symbol of the Japanese nation, the emperor has always maintained a strong image of passivity, but his actions appear to reflect his own firm intentions. But what are the origins of his guiding principles? A letter written 66 years ago may shed new light on this question.

I found the faded letter, typed in English and bearing the reference, “Crown Prince,” filed in obscurity in the vault of the Rockefeller Archive Center, an impressive 32-room mansion on the outskirts of New York city. Dated October 16, 1953, it was addressed to Takanobu Mitani, the Grand Chamberlain of the Imperial Household Agency. The author was John D. Rockefeller III, a prominent member of the Rockefeller family. 

“It is very good to know that the Crown Prince found his visit to our country both interesting and enjoyable,” Rockefeller wrote. “I feel it a real privilege to have had a small part in relation to his program.”

THE 19-YEAR-OLD Akihito had just departed the U.S. for home after completing an overseas journey that lasted more than six months. And the letter from Rockefeller reveals some details of the crown prince’s agenda, at least in the U.S. “I was terribly pleased to learn that His Highness had not only seen the stage show at the Music Hall but stayed for the movie Roman Holiday,” he wrote. “I only hope that the movie did not result in causing you any problems!”

What impact could a recently released Hollywood film have had on the young prince that was cause for concern? Looking back, it appears that the film could have had an emotional connection that other movies couldn’t have offered. The plot of the romantic film concerns Crown Princess Ann (played by Audrey Hepburn) of a fictional country, who, during a state visit to Rome, becomes frustrated with her tightly restricted schedule and secretly escapes her handlers.

By chance encounter, the princess meets American reporter Joe Bradley, played by Gregory Peck, who provides her with overnight accommodations at his apartment. The next morning, an astonished Princess Ann – reluctant to give up her newly acquired freedom, accompanies Bradley incognito on a scooter tour of Rome. The two sense the stirrings of romance but, in the end the Princess’s duty as a symbol to her people overrides her desire for freedom. 

Perhaps in his letter to the Grand Chamberlain, Rockefeller was showing concern that the young Japanese prince may have been stirred enough to imagine escaping from his own imperial demands.

After all, the time was only eight years after the war’s end, and Crown Prince Akihito was on a ground-breaking journey arranged around a visit to London for the coronation of Queen Elizabeth II, representing his father Emperor Hirohito. His itinerary was daunting: covering 14 countries, including France, Spain and the U.S. Though Japan had recently regained its independence with the ratification of the San Francisco Peace Treaty, the country was still viewed unsympathetically by many, and another aim of the crown prince’s journey was to repair Japan’s image as part of its reemergence onto the international scene.

DURING HIS VISIT TO New York City, a dinner party was held for the crown prince, hosted by the Japan Society, of which John D. Rockefeller III was president. Rockefeller also hosted the prince and his entourage at his family ranch in Jackson Hole, Wyoming. 

Before the arrival of his guest, Rockefeller sought the advice of Mrs. Elizabeth Gray Vining, an American woman who taught English to the crown prince in the immediate postwar period. It was apparent to many that Mrs. Vining had played a larger role than simply an English teacher, but had served in effect as an adviser to the Imperial family, especially the young prince.

He was 12 years old when she first encountered him. She found the crown prince polite and bright, but she was also under the impression that he lacked the initiative to act on his own. When prompted on where to go, what to do or what to talk about, he seemed to always defer to those around him. To rectify that, Vining felt a shortcut would impart him with the sense of having the right to freely make his own decisions. 

In her memoirs, titled Windows for the Crown Prince, Vining recalls: “in order to stir up the passivity which tended to leave all decisions, all initiative, to others, I began to say, ‘What shall we do first, dictation, conversation, reading?’ At first, he would demur, ‘You say,’ but after being prodded, he would generally choose dictation, which he liked least.” 

In accord with Vining’s views, Rockefeller instructed his staff to “give him his choice of the various things he could do at the ranch and let him plan his own activities there rather than to arrange them specifically and in advance.” 

During his stay at the ranch, the crown prince was able to enjoy dancing and fishing, and, upon being escorted to the nearby town, took a meal at a cafeteria while mingling with average citizens for the first time in his life.

AFTERWARDS, THE RANCH STAFF sent Rockefeller a six-page report, which gave a detailed description of crown prince’s behavior and reactions. Included are the following passages: “The Crown Prince was a different person, and as many members of the party has said to me, this has been the finest visit we have made in the United States. . . . He had no idea of the kind of people that live in the West and the way they live. So I am convinced that it was extremely worthwhile having the party here.”

That experience could have been a scene somewhat reminiscent of the fictitious Princess Ann in Roman Holiday. The report was also circulated to Elizabeth Gray Vining, and she later wrote an enthusiastic letter to Rockefeller. “What a wonderful experience it was for the Prince!...the freedom to make his own choices . . . the Crown Prince will remember with pleasure all the rest of his life – with what influence upon the history of the world, who can say?” 

Vining’s memoir also contained a prophetic remark about the Emperor-to-be. “I had seen a chubby small boy develop into a poised young man. What of that boy, who will some day be the Emperor of Japan? What promise does he offer for the future? He will not have political power, but in a free Japan he will have great moral influence. What kind of man will he be?”

She almost answers her own question in another section of the book: “He is aware of his destiny; he accepts it soberly. Cautious and deliberate, he has the true conservative’s ability upon occasion to break radically with tradition.” 

Emperor Akihito’s visits to Okinawa and other battlefields outside Japan, where he expressed his “deep remorse” for the war, in defiance of backlash from domestic conservative elements, was done from the posture of a constitutional monarch acting in accordance with his own will, which was precisely what Vining had encouraged the future Emperor to learn.

In the decades following his world tour, the young Crown Prince grew up, became monarch and senior statesman of Japan for the three decade-long Heisei Period, and is now on the threshold of abdication. While the Japanese Foreign Ministry declassified documents of the Crown Prince’s trip, records of his staying at the Rockefeller ranch and viewing of Roman Holiday are inexplicably missing. 

Does His Majesty still recall his experience viewing Roman Holiday in a darkened New York movie theater? If so, I would love to ask what his impressions were. ❶

Eiichiro Tokumoto, a former Reuters correspondent, is an author and investigative journalist.
This article is an excerpt from the original published in Shukan Shincho, and used with permission.

An emperor of the people

A look back at the reign of the retiring Emperor Akihito and how he changed perceptions of his symbolic role.

04 1

The short walk home 
The Imperial couple taking a last walk in Hayama as Emperor and Empress.


By Andrew Horvat


Thirty years ago, on the passing of Emperor Hirohito, I wrote that the only thing we can be certain of regarding the late monarch’s views was that he treasured his memories of his visit to Disneyland. We could be sure of this because a photograph of Hirohito taking part in a rice-planting ceremony showed him wearing a Mickey Mouse watch. On all other matters, the monarch’s opinions came to us indirectly, through the statements of those who claimed to have spoken with him. As a result, Emperor Hirohito’s opinions on the crucial issues and events of his 68 years on the throne during war and peace remained largely a mystery.

With the ascendance of Emperor Akihito, all that would change. To be sure, Akihito would adhere strictly to his constitutionally mandated role as “a symbol of the state and the unity of the people,” and thus refrain from making statements on matters of policy. All the same, through his actions, his choice of words and phrases, places to visit – even his body language – Akihito would make it clear that he is a people’s monarch, that he is a strong supporter of Japan’s postwar constitution, and that he sees a role for the emperor in promoting peace, reconciliation, and a Japan open to the rest of the world.

Akihito made his liberal and democratic views clear even before responding to questions at his first press conference after becoming emperor. When the captain of the Imperial Household Agency press club rose to ask the first question, the emperor stopped him, saying, “Please remain seated.” This unrehearsed comment came as a bolt from the blue and for a few seconds the reporter just stood in silence. Then, in a trembling voice, he blurted, “But your Imperial Majesty, it has been decided that I should stand.”

“In that case,” said the emperor, “Please feel free to stand.”

IN THE PAST THREE decades, it is this simple exchange between emperor and press, not the content of any of the questions and answers that I listened to from my seat in the back of the room, that remains fixed in my mind. And that is how it should be, because by asking the reporter not to “stand on ceremony,” the new emperor indicated clearly that he wanted a more relaxed, closer relationship with his people than could be achieved during his father’s reign, the first half of which was defined by a statist ideology that encouraged his subjects to see an emperor as a “god incarnate,” a distant, though benevolent figure upon whom subjects were not permitted to gaze directly. Postwar efforts to turn Hirohito into a people’s monarch were not entirely successful. It was evident from that first press conference that the new emperor would move quickly to shrink the distance between the imperial institution and the people. 

The first change Akihito made was in the language he used in public. Unlike the strictly regulated speech of his father – it was thought that emperors should not use polite language when speaking to their subjects – Akihito chose to speak in public using normal everyday Japanese. 

But that was not all. Through his 30 years on the throne, Akihito has used language with great care, making his liberal and inclusive views known often by means of a single word or expression to convey a major message. For example, when Japanese news organizations reported in 2015 that the emperor and Empress Michiko would visit Palau to mark the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II, and that they would pay their respects to the 10,000 soldiers killed in 1944 on the nearby island of Peleliu, Akihito stated on his arrival that he had come to remember “all those who had lost their lives.” The expression, in Japanese “subete no hitobito” (all people) was intended not only for the Micronesians present at his welcome banquet but also for audiences back in Japan. By referring to the total number killed on Peleliu as 10,000, the Japanese media had ignored the 1,700 US Marines who had perished in the same battle. As during his visit to Saipan ten years earlier, the emperor made a point of paying his respects to the dead of both sides.

HE MADE HIS INTERNATIONALISM even more clear in his farewell address on Feb. 24 this year when he recalled that in his travels, he had met many people of Japanese ancestry living in foreign countries. Referring to the prospect of increasing numbers of foreigners coming to Japan to augment a declining labor force, Akihito added that he hoped that these foreigners would receive a warm welcome as they integrated into Japanese society.

Sometimes, Akihito’s message could be indirect, but nonetheless quite clear to those to whom it seemed to be intended. For example, in his speech two years ago requesting the Japanese government to take legal action to permit him to step down, he referred to the role of the emperor as “symbol” eight times in ten minutes. On Feb. 24, in an eight-minute talk, he used the word five times. Could he have been directing his message at conservative politicians making moves to rewrite Japan’s postwar constitution, the first line of which refers to the emperor as a symbol of the Japanese nation and the unity of the people? 

Akihito has spoken often about how he has given much thought in his time on the throne to how he could best fulfil his symbolic role. He often used the words “kokumin ni yorisou,” meaning “to stand close to the people” in how he has seen that role. But he and Empress Michiko have done more. During many visits to evacuation centers to comfort residents of areas affected by natural disasters, he and the empress went down on their knees when speaking with families who had spent days living in gymnasiums or community centers separated from each other by cardboard partitions. 

Judging from the results of surveys, Akihito’s efforts during the past 30 years to democratize the imperial institution have met with virtually unqualified success. According to an NHK survey conducted in 2009 on the 20th anniversary of Akihito’s ascent to the throne, 85 percent of respondents either agreed wholeheartedly or in large part with the statement that the emperor was fulfilling his constitutional role. The results of a Mainichi Shimbun survey taken this year raised the ratio to 87 percent. Questions relating to how close people felt to their emperor also elicited high scores. 

If one were to find fault with this liberal, democratic, inclusive and caring emperor, it would be that he gives hereditary succession a good name. ❶

Andrew Horvat was FCCJ president in 1988/89, and represented the Club at the funeral of Emperor Hirohito and the first press conference given by Emperor Akihito.

Dynamic leader of the LDP

03 1

When he spoke at a Club luncheon on Feb. 28, 1994, Ryutaro Hashimoto was a strong contender for the leadership of Japan’s Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). Two years later, he was elected PM. To his left is FCCJ president Lew Simons (Knight-Ridder).

Born on July 29, 1937, in Okayama Prefecture, Ryutaro Hashimoto followed in the footsteps of his father, Ryogo, an LDP stalwart, winning his Diet seat in 1963. He steadily climbed the LDP ranks, with stints as minister of health, of transport and of trade on his way to the top.

His career covered the tumultuous times following Japan’s burst economic bubble that resulted in the LDP’s shocking fall from political power in 1993. He held the post of trade minister (MITI) in the coalition government headed by Tomiichi Murayama of the Socialist Democratic Party. Hashimoto eventually replaced Murayama as prime minister in January of 1996 and served in that capacity until July 30, 1998. 

Hashimoto successfully streamlined certain governmental structures, including the cabinet, but for the most part failed in his attempts at political and economic reforms due to political infighting. He is remembered primarily for the 1996 agreement with the U.S. to relocate its Marine air base at Futenma to Henoko, which even today faces opposition. He is also remembered for implementing an increase in the consumption tax in 1997 from 3 percent to 5 percent, and the recession that followed. 

Hashimoto resigned as PM in July of 1998 after a major loss of LDP seats in the Upper House election that year. However, he continued as the leader of the largest faction and in 2001 again became a candidate for prime minister. Ironically, he lost to Junichiro Koizumi, whom he trounced in a 1995 race for LDP leadership. His political career came to an end in 2004 after disclosure of an illegal campaign donation.

Hashimoto died at age 68 on July 1, 2006 following an abdominal operation.

(I interviewed Hashimoto in 1985 regarding the future of healthcare and was impressed by his broad knowledge and insights. His description of the problems and possible solutions became so detailed that he extended our scheduled half hour to a full hour.)

Charles Pomeroy, editor of Foreign Correspondents in Japan, a history of the Club that is available at the front desk

Imprisoned women journalists


A report from Reporters without Borders


AS MORE AND MORE women take up journalism, so too have women journalists increasingly been the victims of ruthless persecution by authoritarian regimes. According to a Reporters Without Borders tally, of the 334 journalists in prison at the end of February, 27 of them – or 8 percent – were women. Five years ago, only 3 percent of imprisoned journalists were women.

These women journalists are being held in nine countries. Iran and China are the two largest jailers of women journalists, with seven each. They are followed by Turkey which – despite freeing the famous Kurdish journalist and artist Zehra Dogan recently – continues to detain four other women journalists. Saudi Arabia is holding three women journalists, Vietnam two and Egypt, Bahrain, Syria, and Nicaragua are each holding one.

Although targeted by the authorities because of their articles or social network posts, women journalists are usually held on charges of “terrorist propaganda” or “membership of a terrorist group,” as in Turkey and Egypt, or for “suspicious contacts with foreign entities,” as in Saudi Arabia. Although vague and unsubstantiated, allegations of this kind are used to impose long jail terms.

In Iran, journalist and human rights defender Narges Mohammadi and Paineveste blog editor Hengameh Shahidi were sentenced to 10 and 12 years in prison respectively on charges of “conspiring against national security and the Islamic Republic” and “insulting” the head of the judicial system. Roya Saberi Negad Nobakht, who has British and Iranian dual citizenship, initially received a 20-year prison sentence in 2014 for her Facebook posts. It was later reduced to five years.

Some countries have no reservations about imposing the longest possible prison terms in order to silence outspoken voices. This is the case in China. Gulmira Imin, a member of the Uyghur Muslim community and editor of the news website Salkin, was sentenced to life imprisonment in 2010 on charges of “separatism” and “divulging state secrets.”

A well-known 74-year-old journalist, Nazli Ilicak, received the same sentence in Turkey for taking part in a TV broadcast critical of the government on the eve of an abortive coup attempt in July 2016. She and two male colleagues, the Altan brothers, were sentenced to “aggravated” imprisonment for life, the harshest form of isolation, with no furloughs and no possibility of a pardon.

Women, like their male colleagues, are liable to be subjected to extremely harsh prison conditions. Lucía Pineda Ubau, the news director of the Nicaraguan TV news channel 100% Noticias, spent 41 days in Managua’s El Chipote high-security prison before being transferred to a women’s prison at the end of December. The conditions in El Chipote, where the former Somoza family dictatorship used to torture its political prisoners, are “inhumane,” according to a Portuguese MEP who visited Pineda there.

Tran Thi Nga, a Vietnamese blogger who defended migrant workers, was held incommunicado for more than six months after her arrest, until finally sentenced to nine years in prison on a charge of “anti-state propaganda” in a one-day trial on July 25, 2017. She was denied phone calls and visits for nearly a year because she “refused to admit her guilt.”

Women are spared none of the worst forms of mistreatment. For many, physical torture is compounded by the threat of rape and sexual harassment. In China, Gulmira Imin was tortured and forced to sign documents without being able to see her lawyer.

According to the family of Shorouq Amjad Ahmed al Sayed, a young photo­journalist arrested in Egypt on April 25, 2018, she was beaten unconscious, insulted and threatened with rape until the she made the confession sought by her interrogators – namely, that she had created a website with the aim of endangering public order and belonged to the outlawed Muslim Brotherhood.

Six other women journalists are currently being held without trial in other parts of the world. In some cases, their families have lost all contact with them. In China, no one knows what has become of three women citizen-journalists, Zhang Jixin, Qin Chao and Li Zhaoxlu, who were arrested in 2015, 2016, and 2017 respectively.

“Twenty-seven woman journalists are currently deprived of their freedom because of what they wrote or because they spoke out courageously,” RSF secretary-general Christophe Deloire says. “They are spared nothing. They are often the victims of disproportionate and iniquitous sentences. They are subjected to the most appalling prison conditions, like their male colleagues, and they are sometimes also tortured and harassed sexually. We call for their immediate release and we urge the United Nations to take up these cases.” ❶


New in the Library


11 comfort women

Comfort Women and Sex in the Battle Zone
Ikuhiko Hata; Jason Michael Morgan (trans.)
Hamilton Books
Gift from Yoshiko Sakurai

The Private Diplomacy of Shibusawa Eiichi: Visionary Entrepreneur and Transnationalist of Modern Japan
Masahide Shibusawa; The Center for International Communication (trans.)
Renaissance Books
Gift from Masahide Shibusawa

Colonizing Language : Cultural Production and Language Politics in Modern Japan and Korea
Christina Yi
Columbia University Press 

11 reinventing japan
Reinventing Japan: New Directions in Global Leadership

Martin Fackler and Yoichi Funabashi (ed.)
Gift from Martin Fackler

Target: Business Wisdom from the Ancient Japanese Martial Art of Kyudo
Jérôme Chouchan
LID Publishing
Gift from Jérôme Chouchan

Target: Godiva wa naze uriage nibai o gonenkan de tassei shitanoka?
Jérôme Chouchan
Takahashi Shoten
Gift from Jérôme Chouchan

* EBSCO is an e-library system provider. Members are able to borrow books from anywhere via the FCCJ Library’s EBSCO account.
The system works in a similar way to the lending system of the print-book library in that only one person can borrow these books at a time.
But after due dates borrowers will not be able to open the book. Members will need their own ID and password to use the service.

Full guidance for using these books will be explained to Members.


New Members & New in the Library


11 Denyer Simon DR0530

SIMON DENYER is the Washington Post’s bureau chief for Japan and the Koreas. He arrived in Japan last summer as a refugee from China’s pollution and Internet censorship, after five years in Beijing. He also spent more than seven years in India, for the Post and Reuters, and managed to get a book out of the experience: Rogue Elephant: Harnessing the Power of India’s Unruly Democracy. He won an Overseas Press Club award for his coverage of China’s Internet censorship and digital surveillance, a National Headliners Award and a Human Rights Press Award for coverage of Tibet. He also covered the Libyan uprising against Gaddafi and Ukrainian civil war for the Post, and was president of the Foreign Correspondents’ Club of South Asia in New Delhi. He worked as Reuters Washington bureau chief during the Obama administration, as Pakistan & Afghanistan bureau chief shortly after 9/11, and in Nairobi, New York and London for Reuters text and television. Born in Portsmouth, and a devoted Pompey fan, he now lives in another port city, Yokohama, with his wife and daughter, and still plays football and cricket at every possible opportunity, if not always very well.


11 Inada Shinji IR0760 a small

SHINJI INADA is the Foreign News Section editor of the Asahi Shimbun. He joined the paper in 1992 and held positions in Gifu and Nagoya before joining the Foreign News section at the Tokyo head office in 1998. His overseas roles have included bureau chief in Tehran from 1999 to 2001, a stint as correspondent in London from 2004 to 2007 and bureau chief in Paris from 2010 to 2014. He has been with the Foreign News Section since 2015.


11 Takeo Yuko TR1020 a

YUKO TAKEO reports on the economy for Bloomberg News, and is currently focused on covering the Ministry of Finance and the Bank of Japan. Since joining Bloomberg in 2013, she has covered the Japanese stock market, Japan’s giant pension fund GPIF, and various corporate news. She returns to the FCCJ after being a student member back in 2011. Born in Tokyo, Yuko is a graduate of Sophia University and the London School of Economics and Political Science.


Stefan J. Wagstyl, Financial Times/Nikkei Asian Review


Takao Nagatake, Chunichi Shimbun
Kenichi Sakuma, Makino Publishing Co., Ltd.


Goya Furukawa, Sumitomo Mitsui Banking Corporation
Shinichi Fukuoka, Real Estate Research Institute, Inc.
Yoshiaki Hagiwara, Hagiwara Electric Holdings Co., Ltd.
Ichiro Ishikawa, K and Blue Co., Ltd.
Satoshi Ihara, Sun Realty & Insurance Corporation
Masatoshi Kato, Nikka Shoko Co., Ltd.
Makoto Miyauchi, Toin Hospital
Yoko Niwa, Real Estate Research Institute, Inc.
Munenori Ogata, MUFG Bank, Ltd.
Tomohiro Omoda, Central Japan International Airport Co., Ltd.
Yohei Suzuki, Shihodo Gallery
Yoshinao Takashima, Tokyo Maine & Nichido Fire Insurance
Yasuhiro Tamai, K and Blue Co., Ltd.
Ichiro Yonahara, Japan Steels International Co., Ltd.


Yasutaka Sanga, Kajiya Corporation Co., Ltd.
Noriko Takaku


Kakejiku art

 10 J100810 J102610 J1032


Hanging scrolls


A total of 33 designers, selected by the designers’ association DAS, display new takes on Gifu’s traditional kakejiku (Japanese hanging scrolls). DAS believes that kakejiku are one of the best interior decoration choices for today’s art lovers (with extra advantages of being light and compact). The exhibition’s aim is to continue to inspire new kakejiku reflecting different lifestyles all over the world – and to promote a beautiful craft. ❶

Designers: Motodugu Araki, Junko Inagaki, Shinsaku Inoue, Takako Imatani, Hiroshi Ira, Dairoku Oka, Miyoko Kawamura, Kazuo Kimura, Hiroko Koshino, Tadahiro Sakamoto, Hitoshi Sasaki, Kunio Sato, Takahiro Shima, Akihito Mizu, Giacomo Valentini, Shinnosuke Sugizaki, Yoshinori Sengoku, Toshihiko Daimon, Yukichi Takada, Zenmaru Takahashi, Akihiko Tamura, Masahiko Tsubota, Yoshihiro Noguchi, Shigeki Hattori, Masaki Hisatani, Takeshi Fukuda, Takashi Fujita, Riko Honta, Yoshiho Mawatari, Haruko Mitori, Akiko Miyako, Takao Yamada, Yoji Yamamoto.

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